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	<title>Society.ie &#187; UK | Society.ie</title>
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		<title>Brexit and the decline of the Rural Left</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2016 20:09:53 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Left]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Rural]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=924</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In the immediate aftermath of the Brexit result in June, articles were quick to apportion blame to demographic cohorts that enabled the unthinkable result to become reality. The old, the rural, the uneducated; each segment’s electoral naivety was roundly lambasted by those at the vanguard of ‘progress’ and ‘modernity’. The plethora of criticisms was neatly encapsulated in an article by Felix Salmon, positioning blame firmly at the feet of Little Britain: ‘The small-minded burghers of rural England have managed to destroy trillions of dollars of value globally, including to their own investments, pension plans, and housing values…In a couple of decades, most of those voters will be dead. But the consequences of their actions will resonate far beyond the grave… In November, the U.S. will have its own plebiscite, and will likely vote along similar lines to Britain. The cities, and the young, will vote for progress, inclusion, and unity. Meanwhile, the white, rural areas and the old will vote for a sepia-tinged dream of a past in which equality was something only straight white men really qualified for.’ Somewhat prophetically, the ‘plebiscite’ of the U.S. did indeed elect the populist Donald Trump, much as the ‘small-minded burghers’ voted for [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Scottish independence: beyond identity</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/scottish-independence-beyond-identity/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/scottish-independence-beyond-identity/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 23 Aug 2014 22:02:51 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Independence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Northern Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Referendum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Scotland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=330</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In less than one month’s time Scotland will hold a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom. This referendum was initially expected to yield an easy victory for opponents of independence, and while opinion polls still indicate a lead for the “No” option in the independence debate (of varying strength) it has become clear that support for independence is not the preserve of a hardline minority, nor an outlet for feelings of national chauvinism. To illustrate this latter point, the opinions of Scottish adolescents[i] regarding both national identity and the question of independence demonstrate that primary identification with Scotland (as against with the UK) is no guarantee of support for independence. For while 53 per cent of Scots between the ages of 14 and 17 identify as either “Scottish, not British” or “More Scottish than British”, only 30 per cent would vote for independence. Similarly, popular sentiment concerning historical and cultural identification with Britain does not support the claim that supporters of independence are motivated primarily by atavism. Asked to consider the statement “If Scotland becomes independent I’ll feel British due to history, geography and culture”, only 19 per cent of respondents either tended to disagree or disagreed strongly[ii]. In [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Stagnation in Northern Ireland requires new interventions</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/07/stagnation-in-northern-ireland-requires-new-interventions/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/07/stagnation-in-northern-ireland-requires-new-interventions/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 11 Jul 2014 21:21:52 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mediation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Northern Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Protests]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=231</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[It seems as if inter-ethnic, territorial and sectarian tensions have become a global epidemic in recent times. Israeli-Palestinian relations are on a knife-edge, the conflicts in Nigeria and Central African Republic have not been resolved, and there is a feeling that Ukraine is still very much an ongoing affair. And then there is Northern Ireland. While violence is not unusual there, the 12th of July always appears to herald a spike in sectarian activities and feelings. The longevity of the Northern Irish Troubles can possibly only be fully appreciated when compared in turn with the longevity of the Northern Irish peace process: a decades-long process of plotting a delicate road map to sustainable intra-communal relations, a map which as of yet remains to be finalised.  With the annual 12th of July celebrations just hours away, it is perhaps a suitable time to re-evaluate what direction needs to be taken in reaching a lasting compromise and consensus between the conflicting ideologies of the region. In many ways, the hard work appears to have been done. The Good Friday Agreement can be regarded as having heralded a new age in the troubled region; no longer do the streets of Belfast resemble a war zone, and while [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Modern European social democracy in crisis</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/07/modern-european-social-democracy-in-crisis/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/07/modern-european-social-democracy-in-crisis/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 03 Jul 2014 18:05:43 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=213</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The central question for established centre-left political parties in Western Europe is whether there remains a viable future for traditional social democracy, among whose features we might number support for the mixed economy and the institution of large cash transfers with the aim of redistributing wealth and easing poverty. Recent developments within the aegis of the British Labour Party indicate that the party is alive to the futility of attempting to defend some elements of the post-war settlement. A recent think-tank report by the Institute for Public Policy Research, The Condition of Britain, augers a major shift in the rhetoric of social democrats. Most strikingly, in reference to the above, is the assertion that “[e]xcessive reliance on cash transfers to raise incomes has the effect of leaving people dependent on the spending preferences of the government of the day rather than experiencing the respect and dignity that comes from earning a living.&#8221;[i] Reflecting also a recurrent theme of Labour’s policy co-ordinator, Jon Cruddas, the report advocated transferring power to municipal level in a number of areas of public service provision. It is clear that many in Labour, following the alleged centralising and statist tendencies of the Blair and Brown years, [&#8230;]]]></description>
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