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		<title>Brexit and the decline of the Rural Left</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2016 20:09:53 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Rural]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=924</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In the immediate aftermath of the Brexit result in June, articles were quick to apportion blame to demographic cohorts that enabled the unthinkable result to become reality. The old, the rural, the uneducated; each segment’s electoral naivety was roundly lambasted by those at the vanguard of ‘progress’ and ‘modernity’. The plethora of criticisms was neatly encapsulated in an article by Felix Salmon, positioning blame firmly at the feet of Little Britain: ‘The small-minded burghers of rural England have managed to destroy trillions of dollars of value globally, including to their own investments, pension plans, and housing values…In a couple of decades, most of those voters will be dead. But the consequences of their actions will resonate far beyond the grave… In November, the U.S. will have its own plebiscite, and will likely vote along similar lines to Britain. The cities, and the young, will vote for progress, inclusion, and unity. Meanwhile, the white, rural areas and the old will vote for a sepia-tinged dream of a past in which equality was something only straight white men really qualified for.’ Somewhat prophetically, the ‘plebiscite’ of the U.S. did indeed elect the populist Donald Trump, much as the ‘small-minded burghers’ voted for [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>The Issues of General Election 2016: Housing</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/02/the-issues-of-general-election-2016-housing/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/02/the-issues-of-general-election-2016-housing/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Feb 2016 22:35:16 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[General Election 2016]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Homelessness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Housing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=803</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Five years after the 31st Dáil was elected on the backlash of the property crash, housing remains one of the most contentious issues in the run up to General Election 2016. Different housing approaches have been taken over the course of the state’s existence, with each holding specific benefits and downsides to its social stakeholders. Historically, private home ownership has largely been promoted as the ideal housing solution, with former Taoiseach John A. Costello describing home ownership as giving people ‘a stake in the country’, and amounting to ‘good business nationally and socially’ (Norris and Redmond, 2005, pp. 18, 26). A previous article on this website has argued against the continuation of state-endorsed private ownership of housing owing to the ‘ghettoization’ it has the potential of inducing, posing the risk that individuals who would not normally be able to afford a house on the open market end up purchasing a house through Local Authority discounts or through government assistance (mortgage interest relief, stamp duty cuts). The risk of such a policy approach is that those home owners are less able to financially afford the upkeep of their housing, leading to housing dilapidation similar to that occurring in some inner city communities [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Elections in Canada: Harper&#8217;s last bow?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/09/elections-in-canada-harpers-last-bow/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/09/elections-in-canada-harpers-last-bow/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 12 Sep 2015 07:00:35 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Canada]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Conservative Party]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Stephen Harper]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Voting]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=608</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[It is certain that the slowdown in the Chinese economy will have far-reaching political repercussions. Across the world, countries reliant on the export of natural resources and commodities are about to enter a period of economic turbulence due to the decline in Chinese demand, with corresponding electoral fallout for those in power. The exemplar here is Brazil, whose economy slid into recession this year. A tanking economy, biting inflation (above 7 per cent)[1] and an expected period of fiscal austerity have combined with discontent at a corruption scandal to make Dilma Rousseff the most unpopular Brazilian president since polling began.[2]  This is a reasonably dramatic illustration of the travails about to be endured by most of South America, and by a broader group of countries reliant on commodity exports. I shall refer to this group as the “Brazil club”. As Canada prepares to go the polls[3], it remains an open question whether it is in the Brazil club or not. Certainly its economy is in recession, and the slide in oil prices has a great deal to do with this. [4] It is clear also that after 9 years of rule by the Conservative Party, during the last four of [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>In review: &#8216;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8217;, by Jürgen Habermas</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 11 Apr 2015 09:55:21 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[The Book Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Habermas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Voting]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=475</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Jürgen Habermas, in &#8220;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8221; presents a powerful case for (a)  the expansion of the powers of the European Union and (b) (more explicitly than in the case of (a)) the creation of a European &#8220;demos&#8221; or &#8220;civic solidarity&#8221; (p. 53). I shall address his arguments for both (a) and (b) separately, along with his assessment of the constraints in the way of the realisation of both aims. Habermas&#8217; case for (a) is a powerful one; what he argues for is an &#8220;uncoupling of the democratic procedure from the nation state&#8221; (p. 14). In this case, that entails the bolstering of the powers of the European Union. His case for this is roughly characterisable as follows; (i) Democratic government requires that citizens play a role in shaping the forces which (to some substantial degree) govern their lives. I shall leave this controversial thesis unchallenged for the most part, although I believe that there is a strong empirical case to be made that a politically apathetic citizenry is no barrier to good government and the functioning of a liberal (democratic) society. In any case, I think (i) can be modally qualified to the state that democratic [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Geopolitical preferences and the Securitization debate</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/02/geopolitical-preferences-and-the-securitization-debate/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/02/geopolitical-preferences-and-the-securitization-debate/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 28 Feb 2015 10:50:02 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Securitization]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=452</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The recent events in Paris have again brought the debate of securitization to the fore in European political dialogue. The acts, perpetrated by members of a minority ethnic community against a bastion of francité &#8211; the free press, has been decried not only in France, but across Europe as a continent and further afield. In its wake, not only have we seen acts of violence against ethnic minority communities, but also renewed calls for the rejection of multiculturalism and increased restriction on immigration. The securitization debate involves the framing of immigrants as an ‘existential, material and/or physical safety threat’, with something defined as a security problem when declared by elites to be so (Lahav et al., 2014, p. 213). The Hague Programme agreed upon by the European Council in 2004 was intended to strengthen pan-European control of illegal immigration by ‘establishing a continuum of security measures’, with such measures ‘also of importance for the prevention and control of crime, in particular terrorism’ (The Hague Programme, 2005, in Mitsilegas, 2012, p. 17). The maintenance of this ‘Fortress Europe’ mentality has arisen not only as a result of unwanted immigration being perceived as a burden on the resources of the state, but also in response to both the increased securitization [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>The Far-Right in Europe: Nightmare Scenarios and Inevitabilities</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/09/the-far-right-in-europe-nightmare-scenarios-and-inevitabilities/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/09/the-far-right-in-europe-nightmare-scenarios-and-inevitabilities/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 20 Sep 2014 17:20:26 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Far-Right]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Front National]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sweden]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=381</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last Sunday Sweden went to the polls to elect its national legislature. The result was the replacement of a minority centre right administration with a minority centre left one. In Europe an occurrence such as this (or its reverse) is generally of only passing interest. On this occasion, however, the most startling result of the election was not the defeat of the governing parties, but the surge in support for the far-right Swedish Democrats, who captured more than twelve per cent of the vote, making them the third largest party. A few days before this, opinion polls showed that Marine Le Pen, leader of the Front National, was topping polls for the French Presidential Election in 2017.[1] The surge in support for far-right parties, made evident at the European Parliament elections this May has, then, not faded. On the back of this, I wish to attempt to answer two questions in this article. The first question concerns the type of scenarios in which continued success for the far-right could result. The second concerns the manner in which mainstream parties could attempt to avert further growth in support for the far right, or, at least, minimise the consequences of such growth. [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>European Integration and Popular Sentiment</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2014 19:00:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=293</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Around the time of Jean Claude Junker’s nomination by the European Parliament to serve as President of the Commission, it could frequently be heard that Junker’s brand of euro-federalism was a sort of “relic”. Few believe any longer in the viability of the integrationist project, it was said, and Junker’s appointment served merely to demonstrate the dearth of guile on the part of European leaders. The ultimate proposition here is that European federalism is in permanent retreat. With the increasing electoral appeal of nationalist and eurosceptic parties of both left and right, and the spectre of British exit, it should appear to be a difficult business to deny the truth of the above. There is, however, a sizeable degree of evidence to suggest that the decline of popular support for European integration is both smaller and more ephemeral than believed.  To begin with, while there is evidence to suggest the unpopularity of European institutions, there is little evidence to suggest an equally pronounced decline in support for membership of the EU among individual nations. The graphs below represent popular estimation of the European Commission and European Parliament respectively, with data ending in June 2014. These demonstrate the fall in public [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Media on Gaza: information or speculation?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/07/media-on-gaza-information-or-speculation/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/07/media-on-gaza-information-or-speculation/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 22 Jul 2014 16:40:11 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gaza]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israel]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mediation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Palestine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=256</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Media is a powerful tool of information. A look at our screens or a glance through the newspapers can not only provide information on different current events, but can also convey the suffering and plight of individuals across the globe. In recent times, the imagery of Palestinian suffering helped bolster Palestinian solidarity protests worldwide, with calls for an end to the Israeli occupation of Palestine or the lifting of the siege of Gaza common demands. These seem like reasonable demands for the preservation of human dignity and the right to self-determination. But the emotions which imagery can convey can also negatively influence the objectivity of our conclusions. With this in mind, it is important in the interest of impartiality to actually view the current situation in the Gaza strip in light of facts. In 2005, Israel withdrew its army and dismantled all Israeli settlements in the Gaza strip, with any Israeli citizens who refused to move voluntarily being evicted by the Israeli army. Despite the current situation often being portrayed as one of continued occupation of the Gaza Strip by the Israeli forces, the Gaza strip is now under the control of the Palestinian Authority, with the recent incursion by [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Stagnation in Northern Ireland requires new interventions</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/07/stagnation-in-northern-ireland-requires-new-interventions/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/07/stagnation-in-northern-ireland-requires-new-interventions/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 11 Jul 2014 21:21:52 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mediation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Northern Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Protests]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=231</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[It seems as if inter-ethnic, territorial and sectarian tensions have become a global epidemic in recent times. Israeli-Palestinian relations are on a knife-edge, the conflicts in Nigeria and Central African Republic have not been resolved, and there is a feeling that Ukraine is still very much an ongoing affair. And then there is Northern Ireland. While violence is not unusual there, the 12th of July always appears to herald a spike in sectarian activities and feelings. The longevity of the Northern Irish Troubles can possibly only be fully appreciated when compared in turn with the longevity of the Northern Irish peace process: a decades-long process of plotting a delicate road map to sustainable intra-communal relations, a map which as of yet remains to be finalised.  With the annual 12th of July celebrations just hours away, it is perhaps a suitable time to re-evaluate what direction needs to be taken in reaching a lasting compromise and consensus between the conflicting ideologies of the region. In many ways, the hard work appears to have been done. The Good Friday Agreement can be regarded as having heralded a new age in the troubled region; no longer do the streets of Belfast resemble a war zone, and while [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Modern European social democracy in crisis</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/07/modern-european-social-democracy-in-crisis/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/07/modern-european-social-democracy-in-crisis/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 03 Jul 2014 18:05:43 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=213</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The central question for established centre-left political parties in Western Europe is whether there remains a viable future for traditional social democracy, among whose features we might number support for the mixed economy and the institution of large cash transfers with the aim of redistributing wealth and easing poverty. Recent developments within the aegis of the British Labour Party indicate that the party is alive to the futility of attempting to defend some elements of the post-war settlement. A recent think-tank report by the Institute for Public Policy Research, The Condition of Britain, augers a major shift in the rhetoric of social democrats. Most strikingly, in reference to the above, is the assertion that “[e]xcessive reliance on cash transfers to raise incomes has the effect of leaving people dependent on the spending preferences of the government of the day rather than experiencing the respect and dignity that comes from earning a living.&#8221;[i] Reflecting also a recurrent theme of Labour’s policy co-ordinator, Jon Cruddas, the report advocated transferring power to municipal level in a number of areas of public service provision. It is clear that many in Labour, following the alleged centralising and statist tendencies of the Blair and Brown years, [&#8230;]]]></description>
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