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	<title>Society.ie &#187; Integration | Society.ie</title>
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		<title>Integration v Assimilation: Flaws of Coerced Inclusion</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2017 22:53:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Assimilation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=951</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last week, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the state of Switzerland had the right to oblige a pair of Muslim parents to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons. While the parents had protested that the requirement to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons violated Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights, the ECHR unanimously ruled that Switzerland’s right to implement ‘successful social integration according to local customs and mores’ trumped the wishes of the parents. On the face of the ruling, the judgement can easily be regarded as a reasonable result, given that considerations (such as allowing girls to wear a burkini and using strictly segregated changing areas) were already being granted. Yet the concerning element of the ruling lies in the panel of judges admitting that freedom of religion had been ‘interfered with’, yet legitimising the ruling as seeking to protect ‘foreign pupils from any form of social exclusion’. Such a ruling is not the first in Europe or even in Switzerland in recent times, with a Swiss ruling in May 2016 obliging male Muslim pupils to shake hands with their female teachers being similarly justified as ‘[a] teacher [having] the right [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Parallelgesellschaften: Leicester Model and the Politics of Integration</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 May 2016 21:57:05 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallel societies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallelgesellschaften]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Segregation]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=882</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The terrorist bombings in Brussels and Paris in recent months have brought a strong and at times xenophobic edge to the continuing discussion on immigration and the integration of minorities in Europe. While previous articles on this website have focused on the migrant crisis, this article looks at issues with regards integration of migrants in European society, in particular the risks associated with the development of parallelgesellschaften (parallel societies) as expounded upon by Wilhelm Heitmeyer. While Heitmeyer’s seminal idea came to prominence in the early 1990s, the emergence of parallel societies far predates Heitmeyer’s analysis. Historical precedents suggests that ‘ghettoization’ of migrant communities in Europe is not, as often thought, a recent post Second World War phenomenon, but rather has historical precedents across Europe in all previous migration flow. Indeed France, one of the traditional case studies of modern day parallel societies, displayed parallelgesellschaftliche tendencies in some communes as early as the 1930s, where migrants from similar cultural and geographic backgrounds concentrated in specific arrondissements to the extent that 1,700 of the circa 36,000 communes in France had a foreign population close to or exceeding the native French population (Noiriel, 1988). A previous article addressed the geopolitical preferences often considered [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Social Costs of Direct Provision</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/12/422/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/12/422/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 06 Dec 2014 08:00:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Direct Provision]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=422</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A clear majority of Irish voters approve of the current Direct Provision policy towards asylum seekers [1]. Support for the policy is strong across all social classes, but is especially popular among DE voters, and, surprisingly, among young voters (18 to 34). Given such broad popular support for the current arrangement, it is unlikely that any change to the system is going to be enacted any time soon. But what are the consequences of the direct provision system, both for asylum seekers and for Irish society more generally? For asylum seekers themselves, the consequences of direct provision are unequivocally negative. According to a study from the Irish Refugee Council, “Counting the Cost: Barriers to employment after Direct Provision”, asylum seekers suffer both from the physical effects of poor diet (the current private system of asylum centres incentivises the provision of low-protein food in order to reduce costs and boost margins for owners, who receive substantial compensation for each asylum seeker resident) with the deleterious effects on their mental health resultant from their long-term status as asylum seekers, and confinement in the centres with their often cramped living conditions. The leeway allowed for exploitation given by the current system, combined with the Irish [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Islam in Ireland: integration and education</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/islam-in-ireland-integration-and-education/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/islam-in-ireland-integration-and-education/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 30 Aug 2014 10:59:57 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islam]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=352</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Ireland’s Muslim community is relatively unique in Europe, in that the original influx of Muslims from abroad largely comprised of highly educated individuals and their families, for the most part coming to work in the Irish health service or other public sector positions. Unlike in other European states where most Muslims hailed from a particular country or region in the Muslim world such as former colonies, Irish Muslims have different backgrounds with no predominant ethnic or cultural group (Scharbrodt and Sakaranaho, p.474). In the past twenty years, Ireland Muslim population has increased over tenfold from a mere 3,875 Muslims in 1993 to 48,130 in the 2011 census figures. In that time, the Muslim population has for the most part integrated well into Irish mainstream society, with ethnic tensions and riots like those experienced in the French Clichy-sous-Bois riots of 2005, a foreign experience to Ireland. This is largely still the case, but it is also important to realise that the differences in our societies do not imply that we ought not to learn from the French and British cases. On Thursday, the 21st of August, the headline on the cover of the Irish Independent read ‘Gardai tracking 30 jihadi fighters’. The story of [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>European Integration and Popular Sentiment</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2014 19:00:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=293</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Around the time of Jean Claude Junker’s nomination by the European Parliament to serve as President of the Commission, it could frequently be heard that Junker’s brand of euro-federalism was a sort of “relic”. Few believe any longer in the viability of the integrationist project, it was said, and Junker’s appointment served merely to demonstrate the dearth of guile on the part of European leaders. The ultimate proposition here is that European federalism is in permanent retreat. With the increasing electoral appeal of nationalist and eurosceptic parties of both left and right, and the spectre of British exit, it should appear to be a difficult business to deny the truth of the above. There is, however, a sizeable degree of evidence to suggest that the decline of popular support for European integration is both smaller and more ephemeral than believed.  To begin with, while there is evidence to suggest the unpopularity of European institutions, there is little evidence to suggest an equally pronounced decline in support for membership of the EU among individual nations. The graphs below represent popular estimation of the European Commission and European Parliament respectively, with data ending in June 2014. These demonstrate the fall in public [&#8230;]]]></description>
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