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	<title>Society.ie &#187; Immigration | Society.ie</title>
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	<link>https://society.ie</link>
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		<title>Integration v Assimilation: Flaws of Coerced Inclusion</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2017 22:53:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Assimilation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=951</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last week, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the state of Switzerland had the right to oblige a pair of Muslim parents to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons. While the parents had protested that the requirement to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons violated Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights, the ECHR unanimously ruled that Switzerland’s right to implement ‘successful social integration according to local customs and mores’ trumped the wishes of the parents. On the face of the ruling, the judgement can easily be regarded as a reasonable result, given that considerations (such as allowing girls to wear a burkini and using strictly segregated changing areas) were already being granted. Yet the concerning element of the ruling lies in the panel of judges admitting that freedom of religion had been ‘interfered with’, yet legitimising the ruling as seeking to protect ‘foreign pupils from any form of social exclusion’. Such a ruling is not the first in Europe or even in Switzerland in recent times, with a Swiss ruling in May 2016 obliging male Muslim pupils to shake hands with their female teachers being similarly justified as ‘[a] teacher [having] the right [&#8230;]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
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		<title>Brexit and the decline of the Rural Left</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2016 20:09:53 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Left]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Rural]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=924</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In the immediate aftermath of the Brexit result in June, articles were quick to apportion blame to demographic cohorts that enabled the unthinkable result to become reality. The old, the rural, the uneducated; each segment’s electoral naivety was roundly lambasted by those at the vanguard of ‘progress’ and ‘modernity’. The plethora of criticisms was neatly encapsulated in an article by Felix Salmon, positioning blame firmly at the feet of Little Britain: ‘The small-minded burghers of rural England have managed to destroy trillions of dollars of value globally, including to their own investments, pension plans, and housing values…In a couple of decades, most of those voters will be dead. But the consequences of their actions will resonate far beyond the grave… In November, the U.S. will have its own plebiscite, and will likely vote along similar lines to Britain. The cities, and the young, will vote for progress, inclusion, and unity. Meanwhile, the white, rural areas and the old will vote for a sepia-tinged dream of a past in which equality was something only straight white men really qualified for.’ Somewhat prophetically, the ‘plebiscite’ of the U.S. did indeed elect the populist Donald Trump, much as the ‘small-minded burghers’ voted for [&#8230;]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>The European Pillar of Social Rights: A Timely Lifeline for the EU?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2016 05:05:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tara Gallagher]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tara's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=899</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The march of far-right wing political parties across Europe, the recent Brexit, and the US Presidential election of Donald Trump - have all signalled a sweeping social disconnect and disenfranchisement on both sides of the Atlantic. ]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Parallelgesellschaften: Leicester Model and the Politics of Integration</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 May 2016 21:57:05 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallel societies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallelgesellschaften]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Segregation]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=882</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The terrorist bombings in Brussels and Paris in recent months have brought a strong and at times xenophobic edge to the continuing discussion on immigration and the integration of minorities in Europe. While previous articles on this website have focused on the migrant crisis, this article looks at issues with regards integration of migrants in European society, in particular the risks associated with the development of parallelgesellschaften (parallel societies) as expounded upon by Wilhelm Heitmeyer. While Heitmeyer’s seminal idea came to prominence in the early 1990s, the emergence of parallel societies far predates Heitmeyer’s analysis. Historical precedents suggests that ‘ghettoization’ of migrant communities in Europe is not, as often thought, a recent post Second World War phenomenon, but rather has historical precedents across Europe in all previous migration flow. Indeed France, one of the traditional case studies of modern day parallel societies, displayed parallelgesellschaftliche tendencies in some communes as early as the 1930s, where migrants from similar cultural and geographic backgrounds concentrated in specific arrondissements to the extent that 1,700 of the circa 36,000 communes in France had a foreign population close to or exceeding the native French population (Noiriel, 1988). A previous article addressed the geopolitical preferences often considered [&#8230;]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>The end of Schengen and the Euro dream? Europe’s crisis of consensus</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 19 Dec 2015 16:56:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tara Gallagher]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tara's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Schengen]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=705</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A European project which set out with the intention of complete convergence and policy harmonization has ironically, resulted in widespread divergence and disharmony.]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Syrian crisis: Pragmatism in the face of suffering</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/09/syrian-crisis-pragmatism-in-the-face-of-suffering/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/09/syrian-crisis-pragmatism-in-the-face-of-suffering/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 25 Sep 2015 07:00:18 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Direct Provision]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Refugees]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=664</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[There is a clear sense that the current crisis is a knee-jerk, short-sighted response to the crisis, a reaction to public pressures arising from the inflow of migrants into Europe as opposed to the actual cause of the displacement. Widespread public sympathy for the plight of migrants exists; itself in part generated by emotionally charged imagery from the media. Yet, the combination of high principles and low politics will not provide a lasting solution to the dilemma. One needs to remain aware that while many will seek to ease the ordeal of Syrian migrants by welcoming them into their country, others will not be so forthcoming in their acceptance. In August last year, I wrote that Islamaphobia is likely a perpetrating factor in the rise of radical Islam in countries such as France, Belgium and the UK; a theory I still maintain. The accommodation of individuals in Ireland, many of whom are arriving from a brutal and highly sectarian war zone, into a European country with a different language, culture and inhumane direct provision system, is unlikely to successfully integrate those individuals into Irish society, but rather foster the development of ethnic ‘parallel societies’ in Ireland as are already seen in [&#8230;]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2015/09/syrian-crisis-pragmatism-in-the-face-of-suffering/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>A floating dilemma: the Mediterranean crisis</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/07/floating-dilemma-the-mediterranean-crisis/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/07/floating-dilemma-the-mediterranean-crisis/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 25 Jul 2015 12:49:33 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fortress Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=531</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Amnesty International reported July 2014 that at least 2,600 individuals had died attempting to cross the Mediterranean since 2011. In the nine month period between October 2013 and June the following year, 43,430 would be migrants were rescued by the Italian Navy as part of Operation Mare Nostrum, a rescue initiative which cost the Italian government in the region of 9 million euro per month, and was wound down in November 2014 (Amnesty, 2014, pp. 22-23). While further engaging in search and rescue is likely to benefit both smugglers and illegal immigrants at the expense of the EU, curtailing it has already been shown not to decrease migration into EU territories so much as increase the risk involved in what has already become the world’s deadliest migration route. It remains important for programmes such as the Mare Nostrum programme initially pursued by the Italian government to be adopted on a pan-European basis in order to save lives and maintain the human rights the EU claims to uphold. However, in order to further ensure that the risk to individual life is limited while the integrity of the EU’s borders is maintained, it is essential not only to ensure efforts are conducted on [&#8230;]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2015/07/floating-dilemma-the-mediterranean-crisis/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Social Costs of Direct Provision</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/12/422/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/12/422/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 06 Dec 2014 08:00:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Direct Provision]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=422</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A clear majority of Irish voters approve of the current Direct Provision policy towards asylum seekers [1]. Support for the policy is strong across all social classes, but is especially popular among DE voters, and, surprisingly, among young voters (18 to 34). Given such broad popular support for the current arrangement, it is unlikely that any change to the system is going to be enacted any time soon. But what are the consequences of the direct provision system, both for asylum seekers and for Irish society more generally? For asylum seekers themselves, the consequences of direct provision are unequivocally negative. According to a study from the Irish Refugee Council, “Counting the Cost: Barriers to employment after Direct Provision”, asylum seekers suffer both from the physical effects of poor diet (the current private system of asylum centres incentivises the provision of low-protein food in order to reduce costs and boost margins for owners, who receive substantial compensation for each asylum seeker resident) with the deleterious effects on their mental health resultant from their long-term status as asylum seekers, and confinement in the centres with their often cramped living conditions. The leeway allowed for exploitation given by the current system, combined with the Irish [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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