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	<title>Society.ie &#187; Identity | Society.ie</title>
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		<title>Integration v Assimilation: Flaws of Coerced Inclusion</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2017 22:53:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Assimilation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=951</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last week, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the state of Switzerland had the right to oblige a pair of Muslim parents to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons. While the parents had protested that the requirement to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons violated Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights, the ECHR unanimously ruled that Switzerland’s right to implement ‘successful social integration according to local customs and mores’ trumped the wishes of the parents. On the face of the ruling, the judgement can easily be regarded as a reasonable result, given that considerations (such as allowing girls to wear a burkini and using strictly segregated changing areas) were already being granted. Yet the concerning element of the ruling lies in the panel of judges admitting that freedom of religion had been ‘interfered with’, yet legitimising the ruling as seeking to protect ‘foreign pupils from any form of social exclusion’. Such a ruling is not the first in Europe or even in Switzerland in recent times, with a Swiss ruling in May 2016 obliging male Muslim pupils to shake hands with their female teachers being similarly justified as ‘[a] teacher [having] the right [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>In review: &#8216;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8217;, by Jürgen Habermas</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 11 Apr 2015 09:55:21 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[The Book Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Habermas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Voting]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=475</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Jürgen Habermas, in &#8220;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8221; presents a powerful case for (a)  the expansion of the powers of the European Union and (b) (more explicitly than in the case of (a)) the creation of a European &#8220;demos&#8221; or &#8220;civic solidarity&#8221; (p. 53). I shall address his arguments for both (a) and (b) separately, along with his assessment of the constraints in the way of the realisation of both aims. Habermas&#8217; case for (a) is a powerful one; what he argues for is an &#8220;uncoupling of the democratic procedure from the nation state&#8221; (p. 14). In this case, that entails the bolstering of the powers of the European Union. His case for this is roughly characterisable as follows; (i) Democratic government requires that citizens play a role in shaping the forces which (to some substantial degree) govern their lives. I shall leave this controversial thesis unchallenged for the most part, although I believe that there is a strong empirical case to be made that a politically apathetic citizenry is no barrier to good government and the functioning of a liberal (democratic) society. In any case, I think (i) can be modally qualified to the state that democratic [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Islam in Ireland: integration and education</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/islam-in-ireland-integration-and-education/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/islam-in-ireland-integration-and-education/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 30 Aug 2014 10:59:57 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islam]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=352</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Ireland’s Muslim community is relatively unique in Europe, in that the original influx of Muslims from abroad largely comprised of highly educated individuals and their families, for the most part coming to work in the Irish health service or other public sector positions. Unlike in other European states where most Muslims hailed from a particular country or region in the Muslim world such as former colonies, Irish Muslims have different backgrounds with no predominant ethnic or cultural group (Scharbrodt and Sakaranaho, p.474). In the past twenty years, Ireland Muslim population has increased over tenfold from a mere 3,875 Muslims in 1993 to 48,130 in the 2011 census figures. In that time, the Muslim population has for the most part integrated well into Irish mainstream society, with ethnic tensions and riots like those experienced in the French Clichy-sous-Bois riots of 2005, a foreign experience to Ireland. This is largely still the case, but it is also important to realise that the differences in our societies do not imply that we ought not to learn from the French and British cases. On Thursday, the 21st of August, the headline on the cover of the Irish Independent read ‘Gardai tracking 30 jihadi fighters’. The story of [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Scottish independence: beyond identity</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/scottish-independence-beyond-identity/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/scottish-independence-beyond-identity/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 23 Aug 2014 22:02:51 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Independence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Northern Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Referendum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Scotland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=330</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In less than one month’s time Scotland will hold a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom. This referendum was initially expected to yield an easy victory for opponents of independence, and while opinion polls still indicate a lead for the “No” option in the independence debate (of varying strength) it has become clear that support for independence is not the preserve of a hardline minority, nor an outlet for feelings of national chauvinism. To illustrate this latter point, the opinions of Scottish adolescents[i] regarding both national identity and the question of independence demonstrate that primary identification with Scotland (as against with the UK) is no guarantee of support for independence. For while 53 per cent of Scots between the ages of 14 and 17 identify as either “Scottish, not British” or “More Scottish than British”, only 30 per cent would vote for independence. Similarly, popular sentiment concerning historical and cultural identification with Britain does not support the claim that supporters of independence are motivated primarily by atavism. Asked to consider the statement “If Scotland becomes independent I’ll feel British due to history, geography and culture”, only 19 per cent of respondents either tended to disagree or disagreed strongly[ii]. In [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<item>
		<title>European Integration and Popular Sentiment</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2014 19:00:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=293</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Around the time of Jean Claude Junker’s nomination by the European Parliament to serve as President of the Commission, it could frequently be heard that Junker’s brand of euro-federalism was a sort of “relic”. Few believe any longer in the viability of the integrationist project, it was said, and Junker’s appointment served merely to demonstrate the dearth of guile on the part of European leaders. The ultimate proposition here is that European federalism is in permanent retreat. With the increasing electoral appeal of nationalist and eurosceptic parties of both left and right, and the spectre of British exit, it should appear to be a difficult business to deny the truth of the above. There is, however, a sizeable degree of evidence to suggest that the decline of popular support for European integration is both smaller and more ephemeral than believed.  To begin with, while there is evidence to suggest the unpopularity of European institutions, there is little evidence to suggest an equally pronounced decline in support for membership of the EU among individual nations. The graphs below represent popular estimation of the European Commission and European Parliament respectively, with data ending in June 2014. These demonstrate the fall in public [&#8230;]]]></description>
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