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	<title>Society.ie &#187; European Union | Society.ie</title>
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	<link>https://society.ie</link>
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		<title>The EU and the Globalization Trilemma</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/09/eu-globalization-trilemma/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/09/eu-globalization-trilemma/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 16 Sep 2017 16:48:20 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Commission]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sovereignty]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1015</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In his work The Crisis of the European Union (2012 – reviewed for society.ie here), Habermas argued for the uncoupling of democratic procedure from the sovereign state, on the grounds that the power of nation states to control the forces that substantially govern the lives of their citizens (market forces, natural environmental forces, etc.) is diminishing, with no indication to suggest this trend would be stop or be reversed. Habermas argues that trans-national bodies with a high degree of political power, such as the EU, are better able to control these forces, and therefore should have their powers expanded. Yet the consolidation of power by European institutions at the expense of national institutions does so at the detriment of achieving democratic consensus across Europe, with the issues of importance for one state differing from those of another. The myriad and competing public concerns of the European populace can be identified though the observation of why various referendums pertaining to European issues were rejected by the electorate of member states. The 2005 rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by France and the Netherlands, while yielding the same result, was defeated on starkly different grounds. In France, the commonly determined grounds for rejection [&#8230;]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2017/09/eu-globalization-trilemma/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Recovery, Growth and Politics: An Ocean Apart</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/07/recovery-growth-and-politics-an-ocean-apart/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/07/recovery-growth-and-politics-an-ocean-apart/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 24 Jul 2017 10:25:56 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[George Mircia]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECB]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Federal Reserve]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Macroeconomics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Monetary Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1003</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The end of 2016 and the first quarter of 2017 have been rather good periods for financial markets worldwide, with Trump’s election gave investors new promises and hopes, with deregulation, investments in infrastructure and energy projects at the top of the list]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2017/07/recovery-growth-and-politics-an-ocean-apart/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Recovery, Growth and Politics: Draghi&#8217;s patience</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/04/recovery-growth-and-politics-draghis-patience/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/04/recovery-growth-and-politics-draghis-patience/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 16 Apr 2017 18:07:32 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[George Mircia]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECB]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Macroeconomics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Monetary Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=991</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In post-crisis Europe, and specifically in the Eurozone, economic recovery has been rather sluggish. The year 2009 sparked a small rebound, which was stopped in its tracks by the sovereign debt crisis of 2011. The situations lasted around two and a half years, after which another upward movement started, only to be curbed by mid-2014. 2016 delivered another dose of uncertainty with the result of the Brexit referendum. In an attempt to support growth, the ECB has found itself forced to lower interest rates to historic lows and to resort to counter-cyclical measures, such as bond-buying programs, in an attempt to encourage lending, consumption and to inject money into the financial system. In the past couple of years it seemed that low or even below-zero interest rates had become the new normal.]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>The European Pillar of Social Rights: A Timely Lifeline for the EU?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2016 05:05:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tara Gallagher]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tara's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=899</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The march of far-right wing political parties across Europe, the recent Brexit, and the US Presidential election of Donald Trump - have all signalled a sweeping social disconnect and disenfranchisement on both sides of the Atlantic. ]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Parallelgesellschaften: Leicester Model and the Politics of Integration</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 May 2016 21:57:05 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallel societies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallelgesellschaften]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Segregation]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=882</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The terrorist bombings in Brussels and Paris in recent months have brought a strong and at times xenophobic edge to the continuing discussion on immigration and the integration of minorities in Europe. While previous articles on this website have focused on the migrant crisis, this article looks at issues with regards integration of migrants in European society, in particular the risks associated with the development of parallelgesellschaften (parallel societies) as expounded upon by Wilhelm Heitmeyer. While Heitmeyer’s seminal idea came to prominence in the early 1990s, the emergence of parallel societies far predates Heitmeyer’s analysis. Historical precedents suggests that ‘ghettoization’ of migrant communities in Europe is not, as often thought, a recent post Second World War phenomenon, but rather has historical precedents across Europe in all previous migration flow. Indeed France, one of the traditional case studies of modern day parallel societies, displayed parallelgesellschaftliche tendencies in some communes as early as the 1930s, where migrants from similar cultural and geographic backgrounds concentrated in specific arrondissements to the extent that 1,700 of the circa 36,000 communes in France had a foreign population close to or exceeding the native French population (Noiriel, 1988). A previous article addressed the geopolitical preferences often considered [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>The end of Schengen and the Euro dream? Europe’s crisis of consensus</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 19 Dec 2015 16:56:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tara Gallagher]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tara's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Schengen]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=705</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A European project which set out with the intention of complete convergence and policy harmonization has ironically, resulted in widespread divergence and disharmony.]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>In review: &#8216;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8217;, by Jürgen Habermas</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 11 Apr 2015 09:55:21 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[The Book Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Habermas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Voting]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=475</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Jürgen Habermas, in &#8220;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8221; presents a powerful case for (a)  the expansion of the powers of the European Union and (b) (more explicitly than in the case of (a)) the creation of a European &#8220;demos&#8221; or &#8220;civic solidarity&#8221; (p. 53). I shall address his arguments for both (a) and (b) separately, along with his assessment of the constraints in the way of the realisation of both aims. Habermas&#8217; case for (a) is a powerful one; what he argues for is an &#8220;uncoupling of the democratic procedure from the nation state&#8221; (p. 14). In this case, that entails the bolstering of the powers of the European Union. His case for this is roughly characterisable as follows; (i) Democratic government requires that citizens play a role in shaping the forces which (to some substantial degree) govern their lives. I shall leave this controversial thesis unchallenged for the most part, although I believe that there is a strong empirical case to be made that a politically apathetic citizenry is no barrier to good government and the functioning of a liberal (democratic) society. In any case, I think (i) can be modally qualified to the state that democratic [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>European Integration and Popular Sentiment</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2014 19:00:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=293</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Around the time of Jean Claude Junker’s nomination by the European Parliament to serve as President of the Commission, it could frequently be heard that Junker’s brand of euro-federalism was a sort of “relic”. Few believe any longer in the viability of the integrationist project, it was said, and Junker’s appointment served merely to demonstrate the dearth of guile on the part of European leaders. The ultimate proposition here is that European federalism is in permanent retreat. With the increasing electoral appeal of nationalist and eurosceptic parties of both left and right, and the spectre of British exit, it should appear to be a difficult business to deny the truth of the above. There is, however, a sizeable degree of evidence to suggest that the decline of popular support for European integration is both smaller and more ephemeral than believed.  To begin with, while there is evidence to suggest the unpopularity of European institutions, there is little evidence to suggest an equally pronounced decline in support for membership of the EU among individual nations. The graphs below represent popular estimation of the European Commission and European Parliament respectively, with data ending in June 2014. These demonstrate the fall in public [&#8230;]]]></description>
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