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	<title>Society.ie &#187; Europe | Society.ie</title>
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		<title>Integration v Assimilation: Flaws of Coerced Inclusion</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2017 22:53:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Assimilation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=951</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last week, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the state of Switzerland had the right to oblige a pair of Muslim parents to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons. While the parents had protested that the requirement to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons violated Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights, the ECHR unanimously ruled that Switzerland’s right to implement ‘successful social integration according to local customs and mores’ trumped the wishes of the parents. On the face of the ruling, the judgement can easily be regarded as a reasonable result, given that considerations (such as allowing girls to wear a burkini and using strictly segregated changing areas) were already being granted. Yet the concerning element of the ruling lies in the panel of judges admitting that freedom of religion had been ‘interfered with’, yet legitimising the ruling as seeking to protect ‘foreign pupils from any form of social exclusion’. Such a ruling is not the first in Europe or even in Switzerland in recent times, with a Swiss ruling in May 2016 obliging male Muslim pupils to shake hands with their female teachers being similarly justified as ‘[a] teacher [having] the right [&#8230;]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>The European Pillar of Social Rights: A Timely Lifeline for the EU?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2016 05:05:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tara Gallagher]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tara's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=899</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The march of far-right wing political parties across Europe, the recent Brexit, and the US Presidential election of Donald Trump - have all signalled a sweeping social disconnect and disenfranchisement on both sides of the Atlantic. ]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>Parallelgesellschaften: Leicester Model and the Politics of Integration</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 May 2016 21:57:05 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallel societies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallelgesellschaften]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Segregation]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=882</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The terrorist bombings in Brussels and Paris in recent months have brought a strong and at times xenophobic edge to the continuing discussion on immigration and the integration of minorities in Europe. While previous articles on this website have focused on the migrant crisis, this article looks at issues with regards integration of migrants in European society, in particular the risks associated with the development of parallelgesellschaften (parallel societies) as expounded upon by Wilhelm Heitmeyer. While Heitmeyer’s seminal idea came to prominence in the early 1990s, the emergence of parallel societies far predates Heitmeyer’s analysis. Historical precedents suggests that ‘ghettoization’ of migrant communities in Europe is not, as often thought, a recent post Second World War phenomenon, but rather has historical precedents across Europe in all previous migration flow. Indeed France, one of the traditional case studies of modern day parallel societies, displayed parallelgesellschaftliche tendencies in some communes as early as the 1930s, where migrants from similar cultural and geographic backgrounds concentrated in specific arrondissements to the extent that 1,700 of the circa 36,000 communes in France had a foreign population close to or exceeding the native French population (Noiriel, 1988). A previous article addressed the geopolitical preferences often considered [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>The end of Schengen and the Euro dream? Europe’s crisis of consensus</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 19 Dec 2015 16:56:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tara Gallagher]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tara's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Schengen]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=705</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A European project which set out with the intention of complete convergence and policy harmonization has ironically, resulted in widespread divergence and disharmony.]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2015/12/the-end-of-schengen-and-the-euro-dream-europes-crisis-of-consensus/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>A floating dilemma: the Mediterranean crisis</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/07/floating-dilemma-the-mediterranean-crisis/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/07/floating-dilemma-the-mediterranean-crisis/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 25 Jul 2015 12:49:33 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fortress Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=531</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Amnesty International reported July 2014 that at least 2,600 individuals had died attempting to cross the Mediterranean since 2011. In the nine month period between October 2013 and June the following year, 43,430 would be migrants were rescued by the Italian Navy as part of Operation Mare Nostrum, a rescue initiative which cost the Italian government in the region of 9 million euro per month, and was wound down in November 2014 (Amnesty, 2014, pp. 22-23). While further engaging in search and rescue is likely to benefit both smugglers and illegal immigrants at the expense of the EU, curtailing it has already been shown not to decrease migration into EU territories so much as increase the risk involved in what has already become the world’s deadliest migration route. It remains important for programmes such as the Mare Nostrum programme initially pursued by the Italian government to be adopted on a pan-European basis in order to save lives and maintain the human rights the EU claims to uphold. However, in order to further ensure that the risk to individual life is limited while the integrity of the EU’s borders is maintained, it is essential not only to ensure efforts are conducted on [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>In review: &#8216;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8217;, by Jürgen Habermas</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/04/in-review-the-crisis-of-the-european-union-a-response-by-jurgen-habermas/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 11 Apr 2015 09:55:21 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[The Book Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Habermas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Voting]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=475</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Jürgen Habermas, in &#8220;The Crisis of the European Union: a response&#8221; presents a powerful case for (a)  the expansion of the powers of the European Union and (b) (more explicitly than in the case of (a)) the creation of a European &#8220;demos&#8221; or &#8220;civic solidarity&#8221; (p. 53). I shall address his arguments for both (a) and (b) separately, along with his assessment of the constraints in the way of the realisation of both aims. Habermas&#8217; case for (a) is a powerful one; what he argues for is an &#8220;uncoupling of the democratic procedure from the nation state&#8221; (p. 14). In this case, that entails the bolstering of the powers of the European Union. His case for this is roughly characterisable as follows; (i) Democratic government requires that citizens play a role in shaping the forces which (to some substantial degree) govern their lives. I shall leave this controversial thesis unchallenged for the most part, although I believe that there is a strong empirical case to be made that a politically apathetic citizenry is no barrier to good government and the functioning of a liberal (democratic) society. In any case, I think (i) can be modally qualified to the state that democratic [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Geopolitical preferences and the Securitization debate</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/02/geopolitical-preferences-and-the-securitization-debate/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/02/geopolitical-preferences-and-the-securitization-debate/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 28 Feb 2015 10:50:02 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Securitization]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=452</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The recent events in Paris have again brought the debate of securitization to the fore in European political dialogue. The acts, perpetrated by members of a minority ethnic community against a bastion of francité &#8211; the free press, has been decried not only in France, but across Europe as a continent and further afield. In its wake, not only have we seen acts of violence against ethnic minority communities, but also renewed calls for the rejection of multiculturalism and increased restriction on immigration. The securitization debate involves the framing of immigrants as an ‘existential, material and/or physical safety threat’, with something defined as a security problem when declared by elites to be so (Lahav et al., 2014, p. 213). The Hague Programme agreed upon by the European Council in 2004 was intended to strengthen pan-European control of illegal immigration by ‘establishing a continuum of security measures’, with such measures ‘also of importance for the prevention and control of crime, in particular terrorism’ (The Hague Programme, 2005, in Mitsilegas, 2012, p. 17). The maintenance of this ‘Fortress Europe’ mentality has arisen not only as a result of unwanted immigration being perceived as a burden on the resources of the state, but also in response to both the increased securitization [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>The Far-Right in Europe: Nightmare Scenarios and Inevitabilities</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/09/the-far-right-in-europe-nightmare-scenarios-and-inevitabilities/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/09/the-far-right-in-europe-nightmare-scenarios-and-inevitabilities/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 20 Sep 2014 17:20:26 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Far-Right]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Front National]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sweden]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=381</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last Sunday Sweden went to the polls to elect its national legislature. The result was the replacement of a minority centre right administration with a minority centre left one. In Europe an occurrence such as this (or its reverse) is generally of only passing interest. On this occasion, however, the most startling result of the election was not the defeat of the governing parties, but the surge in support for the far-right Swedish Democrats, who captured more than twelve per cent of the vote, making them the third largest party. A few days before this, opinion polls showed that Marine Le Pen, leader of the Front National, was topping polls for the French Presidential Election in 2017.[1] The surge in support for far-right parties, made evident at the European Parliament elections this May has, then, not faded. On the back of this, I wish to attempt to answer two questions in this article. The first question concerns the type of scenarios in which continued success for the far-right could result. The second concerns the manner in which mainstream parties could attempt to avert further growth in support for the far right, or, at least, minimise the consequences of such growth. [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<item>
		<title>European Integration and Popular Sentiment</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/08/european-integration-and-popular-sentiment/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2014 19:00:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=293</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Around the time of Jean Claude Junker’s nomination by the European Parliament to serve as President of the Commission, it could frequently be heard that Junker’s brand of euro-federalism was a sort of “relic”. Few believe any longer in the viability of the integrationist project, it was said, and Junker’s appointment served merely to demonstrate the dearth of guile on the part of European leaders. The ultimate proposition here is that European federalism is in permanent retreat. With the increasing electoral appeal of nationalist and eurosceptic parties of both left and right, and the spectre of British exit, it should appear to be a difficult business to deny the truth of the above. There is, however, a sizeable degree of evidence to suggest that the decline of popular support for European integration is both smaller and more ephemeral than believed.  To begin with, while there is evidence to suggest the unpopularity of European institutions, there is little evidence to suggest an equally pronounced decline in support for membership of the EU among individual nations. The graphs below represent popular estimation of the European Commission and European Parliament respectively, with data ending in June 2014. These demonstrate the fall in public [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Modern European social democracy in crisis</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/07/modern-european-social-democracy-in-crisis/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/07/modern-european-social-democracy-in-crisis/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 03 Jul 2014 18:05:43 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=213</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The central question for established centre-left political parties in Western Europe is whether there remains a viable future for traditional social democracy, among whose features we might number support for the mixed economy and the institution of large cash transfers with the aim of redistributing wealth and easing poverty. Recent developments within the aegis of the British Labour Party indicate that the party is alive to the futility of attempting to defend some elements of the post-war settlement. A recent think-tank report by the Institute for Public Policy Research, The Condition of Britain, augers a major shift in the rhetoric of social democrats. Most strikingly, in reference to the above, is the assertion that “[e]xcessive reliance on cash transfers to raise incomes has the effect of leaving people dependent on the spending preferences of the government of the day rather than experiencing the respect and dignity that comes from earning a living.&#8221;[i] Reflecting also a recurrent theme of Labour’s policy co-ordinator, Jon Cruddas, the report advocated transferring power to municipal level in a number of areas of public service provision. It is clear that many in Labour, following the alleged centralising and statist tendencies of the Blair and Brown years, [&#8230;]]]></description>
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