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	<title>Society.ie &#187; Asylum | Society.ie</title>
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		<title>Syrian crisis: Pragmatism in the face of suffering</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/09/syrian-crisis-pragmatism-in-the-face-of-suffering/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/09/syrian-crisis-pragmatism-in-the-face-of-suffering/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 25 Sep 2015 07:00:18 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Direct Provision]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Refugees]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=664</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[There is a clear sense that the current crisis is a knee-jerk, short-sighted response to the crisis, a reaction to public pressures arising from the inflow of migrants into Europe as opposed to the actual cause of the displacement. Widespread public sympathy for the plight of migrants exists; itself in part generated by emotionally charged imagery from the media. Yet, the combination of high principles and low politics will not provide a lasting solution to the dilemma. One needs to remain aware that while many will seek to ease the ordeal of Syrian migrants by welcoming them into their country, others will not be so forthcoming in their acceptance. In August last year, I wrote that Islamaphobia is likely a perpetrating factor in the rise of radical Islam in countries such as France, Belgium and the UK; a theory I still maintain. The accommodation of individuals in Ireland, many of whom are arriving from a brutal and highly sectarian war zone, into a European country with a different language, culture and inhumane direct provision system, is unlikely to successfully integrate those individuals into Irish society, but rather foster the development of ethnic ‘parallel societies’ in Ireland as are already seen in [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>A floating dilemma: the Mediterranean crisis</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2015/07/floating-dilemma-the-mediterranean-crisis/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2015/07/floating-dilemma-the-mediterranean-crisis/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 25 Jul 2015 12:49:33 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fortress Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=531</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Amnesty International reported July 2014 that at least 2,600 individuals had died attempting to cross the Mediterranean since 2011. In the nine month period between October 2013 and June the following year, 43,430 would be migrants were rescued by the Italian Navy as part of Operation Mare Nostrum, a rescue initiative which cost the Italian government in the region of 9 million euro per month, and was wound down in November 2014 (Amnesty, 2014, pp. 22-23). While further engaging in search and rescue is likely to benefit both smugglers and illegal immigrants at the expense of the EU, curtailing it has already been shown not to decrease migration into EU territories so much as increase the risk involved in what has already become the world’s deadliest migration route. It remains important for programmes such as the Mare Nostrum programme initially pursued by the Italian government to be adopted on a pan-European basis in order to save lives and maintain the human rights the EU claims to uphold. However, in order to further ensure that the risk to individual life is limited while the integrity of the EU’s borders is maintained, it is essential not only to ensure efforts are conducted on [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Social Costs of Direct Provision</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2014/12/422/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2014/12/422/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 06 Dec 2014 08:00:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ruairi Maguire]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ruairi's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asylum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Direct Provision]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=422</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A clear majority of Irish voters approve of the current Direct Provision policy towards asylum seekers [1]. Support for the policy is strong across all social classes, but is especially popular among DE voters, and, surprisingly, among young voters (18 to 34). Given such broad popular support for the current arrangement, it is unlikely that any change to the system is going to be enacted any time soon. But what are the consequences of the direct provision system, both for asylum seekers and for Irish society more generally? For asylum seekers themselves, the consequences of direct provision are unequivocally negative. According to a study from the Irish Refugee Council, “Counting the Cost: Barriers to employment after Direct Provision”, asylum seekers suffer both from the physical effects of poor diet (the current private system of asylum centres incentivises the provision of low-protein food in order to reduce costs and boost margins for owners, who receive substantial compensation for each asylum seeker resident) with the deleterious effects on their mental health resultant from their long-term status as asylum seekers, and confinement in the centres with their often cramped living conditions. The leeway allowed for exploitation given by the current system, combined with the Irish [&#8230;]]]></description>
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