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	<title>Society.ie &#187; Articles | Society.ie</title>
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		<title>Neighbourhood of strangers: AirBNB and the commodification of housing</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2018/09/neighbourhood-of-strangers-airbnb-and-the-commodification-of-housing/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2018/09/neighbourhood-of-strangers-airbnb-and-the-commodification-of-housing/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 17 Sep 2018 08:00:37 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Airbnb]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Homelessness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Housing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sharing economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Welfare State]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1056</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Figures published by the Department of Housing this month indicate that the number of homeless people in Ireland has reached the 10,000 mark. Responding to the escalating figures, Minister for Housing Eoghan Murphy said that current housing policies ‘were working’, but that the nature of the housing crisis meant it could never be ‘turn[ed] around in two years’. Four years ago, with homeless figures at a comparatively paltry 3,000, this author wrote of the urgent need for further provision of social housing and a policy understanding that the private sector would not be able to adequately provide for the housing needs of the economically marginalised in Irish society. Since then, homelessness has more than trebled, and for those in Dublin fortunate enough to be able to afford rent, over half their net income is now needed to cover it, making Dublin more expensive than Paris, Singapore or London (Borough) as a proportion of income spent on rent, with Galway exceeding the rent as percentage of income for notoriously expensive San Francisco. Coincidently, it was the prohibitive accommodation prices of San Francisco that led to the development of one of the most successful ‘sharing-economy’ applications invented and the subject of this [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Not only the Rich: A Case for Fees</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2018/02/not-only-the-rich-a-case-for-fees/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2018/02/not-only-the-rich-a-case-for-fees/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 23 Feb 2018 11:00:12 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Boudon]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dublin]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle Class]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Subsidisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Third Level]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1038</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The evolving demands of the labour market, coupled with a policy push toward the creation of a ‘Knowledge Economy’, has led to the increasing expectation and prerequisite of a third level degree in the Irish jobs market. With the majority of Irish students pursuing a third level education on completion of second level, second level education itself has been moulded away from one that included both vocational and comprehensive strands, to one that can best be described as a pathway to further education rather than an end in itself. It is therefore not surprising that Ireland boasts one of the highest rates of progression to third level education in Europe, with over 6% of the adult population enrolled in higher education at the present time. While the overall numbers are impressive, a less rosy picture emerges when one observes the geographic and socio-economic demarcations that emerge when one looks at those who progress to third level versus those who do not. These disparities are evident across the state, with Galway and Mayo exhibiting progression levels above the national average, while counties such as Donegal and Laois show the lowest progression rates by county. Even more striking than the national differences [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>The EU and the Globalization Trilemma</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/09/eu-globalization-trilemma/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/09/eu-globalization-trilemma/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 16 Sep 2017 16:48:20 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Commission]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sovereignty]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1015</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In his work The Crisis of the European Union (2012 – reviewed for society.ie here), Habermas argued for the uncoupling of democratic procedure from the sovereign state, on the grounds that the power of nation states to control the forces that substantially govern the lives of their citizens (market forces, natural environmental forces, etc.) is diminishing, with no indication to suggest this trend would be stop or be reversed. Habermas argues that trans-national bodies with a high degree of political power, such as the EU, are better able to control these forces, and therefore should have their powers expanded. Yet the consolidation of power by European institutions at the expense of national institutions does so at the detriment of achieving democratic consensus across Europe, with the issues of importance for one state differing from those of another. The myriad and competing public concerns of the European populace can be identified though the observation of why various referendums pertaining to European issues were rejected by the electorate of member states. The 2005 rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by France and the Netherlands, while yielding the same result, was defeated on starkly different grounds. In France, the commonly determined grounds for rejection [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Recovery, Growth and Politics: An Ocean Apart</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/07/recovery-growth-and-politics-an-ocean-apart/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/07/recovery-growth-and-politics-an-ocean-apart/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 24 Jul 2017 10:25:56 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[George Mircia]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECB]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Federal Reserve]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Macroeconomics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Monetary Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1003</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The end of 2016 and the first quarter of 2017 have been rather good periods for financial markets worldwide, with Trump’s election gave investors new promises and hopes, with deregulation, investments in infrastructure and energy projects at the top of the list]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>https://society.ie/2017/07/recovery-growth-and-politics-an-ocean-apart/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Recovery, Growth and Politics: Draghi&#8217;s patience</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/04/recovery-growth-and-politics-draghis-patience/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/04/recovery-growth-and-politics-draghis-patience/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 16 Apr 2017 18:07:32 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[George Mircia]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECB]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Macroeconomics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Monetary Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=991</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In post-crisis Europe, and specifically in the Eurozone, economic recovery has been rather sluggish. The year 2009 sparked a small rebound, which was stopped in its tracks by the sovereign debt crisis of 2011. The situations lasted around two and a half years, after which another upward movement started, only to be curbed by mid-2014. 2016 delivered another dose of uncertainty with the result of the Brexit referendum. In an attempt to support growth, the ECB has found itself forced to lower interest rates to historic lows and to resort to counter-cyclical measures, such as bond-buying programs, in an attempt to encourage lending, consumption and to inject money into the financial system. In the past couple of years it seemed that low or even below-zero interest rates had become the new normal.]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Conditional Cash Transfers: Alleviating the Present, Investing in the Future</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/03/conditional-cash-transfer-alleviating-the-present-investing-in-the-future/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/03/conditional-cash-transfer-alleviating-the-present-investing-in-the-future/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 31 Mar 2017 21:35:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Basic Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Conditional Cash Transfer]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Travellers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Welfare State]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=975</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The Irish social policy model, in particular when it comes to welfare provision, is generally categorised as Liberal in nature, taking a passive, ‘safety-net’ approach to welfare intervention. Such a system is intended to alleviate the risk of extreme deprivation, but keep public welfare sufficiently sparse so as not risk the creation of poverty/unemployment trap. I have argued in my previous article that passive welfare regimes, like the one employed in Ireland, are becoming outdated as states begin to implement flexible welfare regimes in response to the growing complexities of the employment market. Universal Basic Income, or Guaranteed Income, has long been touted as a solution to precarious employment and labour displacement arising from technological advancements. But to date no state has rolled out a fully universal and unconditional Basic Income programme from which policy analysts can gauge effectiveness. Yet while the unconditional cash transfer element of UBI has not been employed in any state to date, direct, conditional payments to households have been in place for several decades in various states as a direct approach to combat deprivation. These programmes, termed as Conditional Cash Transfers (hereafter referred to as CCT), are predominantly but not exclusively employed in Latin American [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Integration v Assimilation: Flaws of Coerced Inclusion</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2017 22:53:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Assimilation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=951</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last week, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the state of Switzerland had the right to oblige a pair of Muslim parents to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons. While the parents had protested that the requirement to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons violated Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights, the ECHR unanimously ruled that Switzerland’s right to implement ‘successful social integration according to local customs and mores’ trumped the wishes of the parents. On the face of the ruling, the judgement can easily be regarded as a reasonable result, given that considerations (such as allowing girls to wear a burkini and using strictly segregated changing areas) were already being granted. Yet the concerning element of the ruling lies in the panel of judges admitting that freedom of religion had been ‘interfered with’, yet legitimising the ruling as seeking to protect ‘foreign pupils from any form of social exclusion’. Such a ruling is not the first in Europe or even in Switzerland in recent times, with a Swiss ruling in May 2016 obliging male Muslim pupils to shake hands with their female teachers being similarly justified as ‘[a] teacher [having] the right [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Guaranteed Income: a Dream or a Solution for 2017?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/12/guaranteed-income-a-dream-or-a-solution-for-2017/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/12/guaranteed-income-a-dream-or-a-solution-for-2017/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 22:54:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Basic Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guaranteed Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Negative Tax]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UBI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Universal Basic Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Welfare State]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=938</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In his 1967 book Where do we go from here, Martin Luther King wrote: I am now convinced that the simplest approach will prove to be the most effective — the solution to poverty is to abolish it directly by a now widely discussed measure: the guaranteed income. This coming year marks the fifty year anniversary of the last book written by Martin Luther King before his assassination. In the half century that has followed, poverty has not been eradicated, economic inequality has been exacerbated, and the concept of a guaranteed income, while remaining a ‘widely discussed measure’, has not been implemented in any state. With the modern economy increasingly fluid and transnational in nature, the concerns raised by Martin Luther King in his seminal work remain as pertinent and contemporary as ever. The security of the Nine-to-Five job is increasingly being replaced by flexible and precarious work practices the modern globalised economy requires. While precarious employment has long been acknowledged as a concern of the unskilled manual and service industry workers, the rise of the modern precariat extends job insecurity into all areas of employment affected by globalisation and neoliberal economic practices. The temptation is to seek to combat the [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Brexit and the decline of the Rural Left</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2016 20:09:53 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Left]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Rural]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=924</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In the immediate aftermath of the Brexit result in June, articles were quick to apportion blame to demographic cohorts that enabled the unthinkable result to become reality. The old, the rural, the uneducated; each segment’s electoral naivety was roundly lambasted by those at the vanguard of ‘progress’ and ‘modernity’. The plethora of criticisms was neatly encapsulated in an article by Felix Salmon, positioning blame firmly at the feet of Little Britain: ‘The small-minded burghers of rural England have managed to destroy trillions of dollars of value globally, including to their own investments, pension plans, and housing values…In a couple of decades, most of those voters will be dead. But the consequences of their actions will resonate far beyond the grave… In November, the U.S. will have its own plebiscite, and will likely vote along similar lines to Britain. The cities, and the young, will vote for progress, inclusion, and unity. Meanwhile, the white, rural areas and the old will vote for a sepia-tinged dream of a past in which equality was something only straight white men really qualified for.’ Somewhat prophetically, the ‘plebiscite’ of the U.S. did indeed elect the populist Donald Trump, much as the ‘small-minded burghers’ voted for [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>The European Pillar of Social Rights: A Timely Lifeline for the EU?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/the-european-pillar-of-social-rights-a-timely-lifeline/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 Nov 2016 05:05:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tara Gallagher]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tara's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ethics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=899</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The march of far-right wing political parties across Europe, the recent Brexit, and the US Presidential election of Donald Trump - have all signalled a sweeping social disconnect and disenfranchisement on both sides of the Atlantic. ]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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