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	<title>Society.ie &#187; Society.ie | Society.ie</title>
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		<title>Neighbourhood of strangers: AirBNB and the commodification of housing</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2018/09/neighbourhood-of-strangers-airbnb-and-the-commodification-of-housing/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2018/09/neighbourhood-of-strangers-airbnb-and-the-commodification-of-housing/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 17 Sep 2018 08:00:37 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Airbnb]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Homelessness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Housing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sharing economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Welfare State]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1056</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Figures published by the Department of Housing this month indicate that the number of homeless people in Ireland has reached the 10,000 mark. Responding to the escalating figures, Minister for Housing Eoghan Murphy said that current housing policies ‘were working’, but that the nature of the housing crisis meant it could never be ‘turn[ed] around in two years’. Four years ago, with homeless figures at a comparatively paltry 3,000, this author wrote of the urgent need for further provision of social housing and a policy understanding that the private sector would not be able to adequately provide for the housing needs of the economically marginalised in Irish society. Since then, homelessness has more than trebled, and for those in Dublin fortunate enough to be able to afford rent, over half their net income is now needed to cover it, making Dublin more expensive than Paris, Singapore or London (Borough) as a proportion of income spent on rent, with Galway exceeding the rent as percentage of income for notoriously expensive San Francisco. Coincidently, it was the prohibitive accommodation prices of San Francisco that led to the development of one of the most successful ‘sharing-economy’ applications invented and the subject of this [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Not only the Rich: A Case for Fees</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2018/02/not-only-the-rich-a-case-for-fees/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2018/02/not-only-the-rich-a-case-for-fees/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 23 Feb 2018 11:00:12 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Boudon]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dublin]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle Class]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Subsidisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Third Level]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1038</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The evolving demands of the labour market, coupled with a policy push toward the creation of a ‘Knowledge Economy’, has led to the increasing expectation and prerequisite of a third level degree in the Irish jobs market. With the majority of Irish students pursuing a third level education on completion of second level, second level education itself has been moulded away from one that included both vocational and comprehensive strands, to one that can best be described as a pathway to further education rather than an end in itself. It is therefore not surprising that Ireland boasts one of the highest rates of progression to third level education in Europe, with over 6% of the adult population enrolled in higher education at the present time. While the overall numbers are impressive, a less rosy picture emerges when one observes the geographic and socio-economic demarcations that emerge when one looks at those who progress to third level versus those who do not. These disparities are evident across the state, with Galway and Mayo exhibiting progression levels above the national average, while counties such as Donegal and Laois show the lowest progression rates by county. Even more striking than the national differences [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>The EU and the Globalization Trilemma</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/09/eu-globalization-trilemma/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/09/eu-globalization-trilemma/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 16 Sep 2017 16:48:20 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Commission]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sovereignty]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://society.ie/?p=1015</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In his work The Crisis of the European Union (2012 – reviewed for society.ie here), Habermas argued for the uncoupling of democratic procedure from the sovereign state, on the grounds that the power of nation states to control the forces that substantially govern the lives of their citizens (market forces, natural environmental forces, etc.) is diminishing, with no indication to suggest this trend would be stop or be reversed. Habermas argues that trans-national bodies with a high degree of political power, such as the EU, are better able to control these forces, and therefore should have their powers expanded. Yet the consolidation of power by European institutions at the expense of national institutions does so at the detriment of achieving democratic consensus across Europe, with the issues of importance for one state differing from those of another. The myriad and competing public concerns of the European populace can be identified though the observation of why various referendums pertaining to European issues were rejected by the electorate of member states. The 2005 rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by France and the Netherlands, while yielding the same result, was defeated on starkly different grounds. In France, the commonly determined grounds for rejection [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Conditional Cash Transfers: Alleviating the Present, Investing in the Future</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/03/conditional-cash-transfer-alleviating-the-present-investing-in-the-future/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/03/conditional-cash-transfer-alleviating-the-present-investing-in-the-future/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 31 Mar 2017 21:35:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Basic Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Conditional Cash Transfer]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Travellers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Welfare State]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=975</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The Irish social policy model, in particular when it comes to welfare provision, is generally categorised as Liberal in nature, taking a passive, ‘safety-net’ approach to welfare intervention. Such a system is intended to alleviate the risk of extreme deprivation, but keep public welfare sufficiently sparse so as not risk the creation of poverty/unemployment trap. I have argued in my previous article that passive welfare regimes, like the one employed in Ireland, are becoming outdated as states begin to implement flexible welfare regimes in response to the growing complexities of the employment market. Universal Basic Income, or Guaranteed Income, has long been touted as a solution to precarious employment and labour displacement arising from technological advancements. But to date no state has rolled out a fully universal and unconditional Basic Income programme from which policy analysts can gauge effectiveness. Yet while the unconditional cash transfer element of UBI has not been employed in any state to date, direct, conditional payments to households have been in place for several decades in various states as a direct approach to combat deprivation. These programmes, termed as Conditional Cash Transfers (hereafter referred to as CCT), are predominantly but not exclusively employed in Latin American [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>Integration v Assimilation: Flaws of Coerced Inclusion</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2017/01/integration-v-assimilation-flaws-of-coerced-inclusion/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2017 22:53:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Assimilation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=951</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Last week, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the state of Switzerland had the right to oblige a pair of Muslim parents to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons. While the parents had protested that the requirement to send their daughters to mixed swimming lessons violated Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights, the ECHR unanimously ruled that Switzerland’s right to implement ‘successful social integration according to local customs and mores’ trumped the wishes of the parents. On the face of the ruling, the judgement can easily be regarded as a reasonable result, given that considerations (such as allowing girls to wear a burkini and using strictly segregated changing areas) were already being granted. Yet the concerning element of the ruling lies in the panel of judges admitting that freedom of religion had been ‘interfered with’, yet legitimising the ruling as seeking to protect ‘foreign pupils from any form of social exclusion’. Such a ruling is not the first in Europe or even in Switzerland in recent times, with a Swiss ruling in May 2016 obliging male Muslim pupils to shake hands with their female teachers being similarly justified as ‘[a] teacher [having] the right [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Guaranteed Income: a Dream or a Solution for 2017?</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/12/guaranteed-income-a-dream-or-a-solution-for-2017/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/12/guaranteed-income-a-dream-or-a-solution-for-2017/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 22:54:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Basic Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic Inequality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Finland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guaranteed Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Negative Tax]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UBI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Universal Basic Income]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Welfare State]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=938</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In his 1967 book Where do we go from here, Martin Luther King wrote: I am now convinced that the simplest approach will prove to be the most effective — the solution to poverty is to abolish it directly by a now widely discussed measure: the guaranteed income. This coming year marks the fifty year anniversary of the last book written by Martin Luther King before his assassination. In the half century that has followed, poverty has not been eradicated, economic inequality has been exacerbated, and the concept of a guaranteed income, while remaining a ‘widely discussed measure’, has not been implemented in any state. With the modern economy increasingly fluid and transnational in nature, the concerns raised by Martin Luther King in his seminal work remain as pertinent and contemporary as ever. The security of the Nine-to-Five job is increasingly being replaced by flexible and precarious work practices the modern globalised economy requires. While precarious employment has long been acknowledged as a concern of the unskilled manual and service industry workers, the rise of the modern precariat extends job insecurity into all areas of employment affected by globalisation and neoliberal economic practices. The temptation is to seek to combat the [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>Brexit and the decline of the Rural Left</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/11/brexit-and-the-decline-of-the-rural-left/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2016 20:09:53 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Globalisation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labour]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Left]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Rural]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=924</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In the immediate aftermath of the Brexit result in June, articles were quick to apportion blame to demographic cohorts that enabled the unthinkable result to become reality. The old, the rural, the uneducated; each segment’s electoral naivety was roundly lambasted by those at the vanguard of ‘progress’ and ‘modernity’. The plethora of criticisms was neatly encapsulated in an article by Felix Salmon, positioning blame firmly at the feet of Little Britain: ‘The small-minded burghers of rural England have managed to destroy trillions of dollars of value globally, including to their own investments, pension plans, and housing values…In a couple of decades, most of those voters will be dead. But the consequences of their actions will resonate far beyond the grave… In November, the U.S. will have its own plebiscite, and will likely vote along similar lines to Britain. The cities, and the young, will vote for progress, inclusion, and unity. Meanwhile, the white, rural areas and the old will vote for a sepia-tinged dream of a past in which equality was something only straight white men really qualified for.’ Somewhat prophetically, the ‘plebiscite’ of the U.S. did indeed elect the populist Donald Trump, much as the ‘small-minded burghers’ voted for [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>Parallelgesellschaften: Leicester Model and the Politics of Integration</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/05/parallelgesellschaften-leicester-model-and-the-politics-of-integration/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 May 2016 21:57:05 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Immigration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallel societies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parallelgesellschaften]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Segregation]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=882</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The terrorist bombings in Brussels and Paris in recent months have brought a strong and at times xenophobic edge to the continuing discussion on immigration and the integration of minorities in Europe. While previous articles on this website have focused on the migrant crisis, this article looks at issues with regards integration of migrants in European society, in particular the risks associated with the development of parallelgesellschaften (parallel societies) as expounded upon by Wilhelm Heitmeyer. While Heitmeyer’s seminal idea came to prominence in the early 1990s, the emergence of parallel societies far predates Heitmeyer’s analysis. Historical precedents suggests that ‘ghettoization’ of migrant communities in Europe is not, as often thought, a recent post Second World War phenomenon, but rather has historical precedents across Europe in all previous migration flow. Indeed France, one of the traditional case studies of modern day parallel societies, displayed parallelgesellschaftliche tendencies in some communes as early as the 1930s, where migrants from similar cultural and geographic backgrounds concentrated in specific arrondissements to the extent that 1,700 of the circa 36,000 communes in France had a foreign population close to or exceeding the native French population (Noiriel, 1988). A previous article addressed the geopolitical preferences often considered [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>The Issues of General Election 2016: Healthcare</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/02/the-issues-of-general-election-2016-healthcare/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/02/the-issues-of-general-election-2016-healthcare/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 25 Feb 2016 19:56:31 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[General Election 2016]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Healthcare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NHS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Private]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UHI]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=854</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The healthcare system is an inefficient, two-tiered mishmash of public and private providers and clients, and is in urgent need of drastic change. This much all political parties are in general agreement on. However, approaches to resolving the failings and inefficiencies of the current system vary widely, from the private-provision orientated philosophies of Renua, to the fully public visions of the Anti-Austerity Alliance/People Before Profit group. In my previous article addressing the possible introduction of UHI in Ireland, it was argued that health care was one of the anomalies of private market efficiency, in that not only were international examples of public provision of healthcare more comprehensive in nature than their private counterparts, but that public provision was also consistently the most efficient method of allocation and spending. This is down to the fact that, for the invisible hand of the private market to efficiently allocate goods, perfect information, perfect competition and the absence of market failures is required (Barr, 1984, p. 79). Yet the assumption that consumers of healthcare are perfectly informed both as to the quality and nature of their health insurance is questionable, with consumers often either over or under-insuring their person. Indeed, an evaluation of the Dutch health [&#8230;]]]></description>
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		<title>The Issues of General Election 2016: Housing</title>
		<link>https://society.ie/2016/02/the-issues-of-general-election-2016-housing/</link>
		<comments>https://society.ie/2016/02/the-issues-of-general-election-2016-housing/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Feb 2016 22:35:16 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ryan Ó Giobúin]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[General Election 2016]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ryan's digest]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Homelessness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Housing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ireland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://society.ie/?p=803</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Five years after the 31st Dáil was elected on the backlash of the property crash, housing remains one of the most contentious issues in the run up to General Election 2016. Different housing approaches have been taken over the course of the state’s existence, with each holding specific benefits and downsides to its social stakeholders. Historically, private home ownership has largely been promoted as the ideal housing solution, with former Taoiseach John A. Costello describing home ownership as giving people ‘a stake in the country’, and amounting to ‘good business nationally and socially’ (Norris and Redmond, 2005, pp. 18, 26). A previous article on this website has argued against the continuation of state-endorsed private ownership of housing owing to the ‘ghettoization’ it has the potential of inducing, posing the risk that individuals who would not normally be able to afford a house on the open market end up purchasing a house through Local Authority discounts or through government assistance (mortgage interest relief, stamp duty cuts). The risk of such a policy approach is that those home owners are less able to financially afford the upkeep of their housing, leading to housing dilapidation similar to that occurring in some inner city communities [&#8230;]]]></description>
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